Chapter II. The Biennio Rosso

Italy withdrawn from the war with plenty of debts, devastated economically. Imperial ambitions costed tens of billions liars, more than 600 thousand human lives; about half-million people have been handicapped. However, Italy received only new deprivations and humiliation of national dignity in return. The Versailles Treaty disappointed the Italian imperialists as much as the German ones.

Reduction in military state orders and the end of economical support from allies lead to the bankruptcy of strongly overheated heavy industry. Concerns “Ansaldo” and “Ilva” were broke as their creditor – “Italian Discount Bank”.

Unemployment, “land hunger” among peasants, budget deficiency and taxes, all together raised quickly. Howbeit, Parliament and government were stuck in an endless debate and lost their credibility. The army was demoralized, the businessmen were in perplexity. At the same time, the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia caused high influence on Italian workers. The classic revolution situation was formed - “the bottoms don't want, and the tops cannot live in the old way".

People started quickly join trade unions and socialistic party. At the 1919 parliamentary election socialist took 32% of all votes, constituting the largest group. As for trade unions, if before the war there were about 1 million people in them, then immediately after the number of participants increased to 4 millions.

Political demands were added to the economic struggle of the Italian workers. For example, the movement in defense of Soviet Russia against international intervention and against the support of the White Army. At the same time, revolutionary riots, known as the "Biennio Rosso", began in the country.

However, the main weakness of the labor movement in Italy was the lack of firm political leadership and a clear understanding of the path leading to victory. Basically, communists party was not established in the country.

With all the merits of the socialist party, it was not able to bring the revolution to the end and take power. There were no Marxists among its leaders, but there were bureaucrats and reformists, who were unable to imagine a world without capitalism.

In general, the fact that the Italian socialists were not completely mired in opportunism and had not slipped into direct cooperation with businessmen is due to the plight of the peoples. Even the anti-war position during the war took its origin more from pacifist views than feelings of internationalism, which were expressed in the popular slogan of those time: "Do not help the war and do not sabotage it."

The inconsistency and, ultimately, the betrayal of the socialists against the workers manifested itself in all its flawed glory during the movement to seize factories and plants, as well as lands in rural areas. In early September 1920, the metalworkers' union responded to the lockout announced by the entrepreneurs with an organized takeover of the factories. At first, the metalworking facilities of Turin and Milan and other industrial centers passed into the hands of the workers. Then, the takeover of the rest economic sectors was started. At the same time, in the Italian countryside, the peasants began to seize the landowners' lands.

Over 600 thousand people took part in this movement. Most of them saw what was happening as the beginning of the socialist revolution. The workers, who occupied the factories and plants, independently launched production, and began to intensively prepare for an armed struggle. They created the Red Guard and made weapons. Fortunately, a number of large military enterprises ended up in their hands.

In the response to all of this, the authorities, in fact, did nothing. The government was in a panic and did not dare to use any force, as the industrialists and large agrarians sought. They could only sit and watch with the hope that it would somehow resolve itself.

Turned out that they were right. Three weeks after the factories were occupied by workers, the trade unions and party bureaucrats entered into an agreement with the government. They pledged to free plants in exchange for a series of social benefits, such as: workers' control at factories, an 8-hour working day, the introduction of a minimum wage, the rights of peasants for some landlords` and state lands, and so on. Gritting their teeth, industrialists and landowners made concessions. They still had no choice.

From that moment on, the revolutionary movement began to decline. The businessmen were saved not by their own forces, but by the forces of the leaders of the trade unions and the socialist party.

Following the decision of the General Confederation of Labor (CGdL) to calm down, it was written in the largest Italian newspaper “Corriere della Sera”:

Italy was threatened with destruction. If the revolution did not take place, it was not because Italy was able to fight back, but because the CGdL did not want the revolution.

In 1935 on of fascists theorist wrote:

the socialist party had only to reach out to the state power in order to seize it; but it was afraid to do this, revealing its inner powerlessness.